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 JP, November 29, 2012 
In Gaza, Afghanistan, Yemen and Waziristan, the use of human shields has become a major issue in international humanitarian law
 Now  that a somewhat fragile cease-fire has silenced the rockets in southern   Israel, it is appropriate to comment on a major problem both the US,  NATO and  Israel are facing in their asymmetrical wars against  non-armies and non-states.  In Gaza, Afghanistan, Yemen and Waziristan,  the use of human shields has become  a major issue in international  humanitarian law. 
The law is clear: the  use of human  shields in any armed conflict is a war crime. The party which  attacks a  military target so shielded, however, must do so according to strict   rules of proportionality.
  The Goldstone Report adopted this principle and  blamed Israel for ignoring it in operation Cast Lead.
  The  Israeli  government, although criticizing this report in strong  language, now acts  according to the principles spelled out by this  report. The instructions given  to the IDF were clear: avoid bombing all  civilian targets; use your technology  and attack Hamas missile  launchers and other purely military  targets.
  There were, of  course, cases where civilians – including women  and children – were  killed in Gaza by Israeli aerial bombardment, but generally  this was  either the result of navigational errors or because civilians were   caught in crossfire because of their presence at a purely military   site.
  Thus, the Israel Air Force did not resort to carpet-bombing  areas  from which missiles were launched against Israeli civilian  targets. Had the air  force done this, the results perhaps would have  been more beneficial for Israel  and the number of alarms and direct  hits would, in all likelihood, have  decreased, but then Israel would  have been condemned by the international  community and media for  slaughtering innocent civilians. 
  
Thus,  a party  attacked by human-shielded weapons is damned if it disregards  the human shield  and damned for its weakness by its suffering civilians  if it doesn’t.
  Two  issues need clarification: first, the media  and international lawyers have  literally forgotten that any party using  human shields – whether the Taliban or  Hamas – is guilty of a war  crime at least equal in severity to the party which  attacks a target so  shielded.
  Secondly, the issue of proportionality  should be  balanced against the right of self-defense. In other words, a state   fighting an asymmetrical war against non-armies has a duty not to react   disproportionately to attacks against its civilians, but also has the  right  under international law to defend these civilians (or soldiers)  against enemy  action.
  How can we balance the two duties? There  are two possible answers  to this painful question: one is censuring and  bringing legal action against a  party that uses human shields.  Secondly, we should interpret proportionality  differently in cases of  self-defense as compared to cases in which a military  target which does  not endanger the lives of your civilians or soldiers is  attacked.
  In  an article published in the Stanford Review of Law and  Policy, this  author, together with Yaniv Roznai, an expert in international law,   suggested that while retaining the duty to caution civilians who may be  attacked  because of their proximity to military targets,  proportionality in cases of  self-defense should acquire a specific  meaning, i.e. that the attacking (and  menaced) party will not exceed  the amount of force required to silence the enemy  fire – even when  protected by human shields. This interpretation will reduce the   distance between legal theory and military reality. 
  
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